To The Government Inquiry into Human Fertilization and Embryology
PAUL RAMSEY
Harrington Spear Paine Professor of Religion at Princeton University
Professor
Paul Ramsey, an Episcopalian, prepared the following submission at the
request of the Society for the Protection of Unborn Children. He is
author of a number of Works on ethical issues facing society today
including: "Fabricated Man"; "The Patient As Person" and "The Ethics of
Foetal Research"
The Issues Facing Mankind
In 1970 I wrote (concerning many of the procedures nosy tinder review by the British Government Inquiry into Human Fertilization and Embryology'):
We need to raise the ethical questions with a serious and not a frivolous conscience. A man of frivolous conscience announces that there are ethical quandaries ahead that we must consider before the future catches up with us. By this he often means that we need to devise a new ethic that will provide the rationalisation for doing in the future what men are bound to do because of new actions and interventions science will have made possible. In contrast, a man of serious conscience means to say in raising urgent ethical questions that there may be some things that men should never do. The good things men do can be made complete only by the things they refuse to do.1Some things to which those words referred have now been done. Others are soon to be done. All were, or are, about to have become inevitable. Persons of frivolous conscience make anticipatory surrender to futures coming upon them, voicing ethical commentary and minuscule reservations about scientific developments that always run ahead of them. Only a people of serious conscience can hope to cut athwart the momentum toward the technological dehumanization of mankind, We must seek our rendezvous with some Nevers, and the good reasons for them.
I
cherish the hope that the British Government Inquiry will take the lead
in the English-speaking world, and in the industrialized nations, in
this urgent matter. After all, Great Britain gave us George Orwell,
Aldous Huxley, and C.S. Lewis. The latter two -- writing in years still
under the shadow of Nazism -- had the prescience to discern that the
final assault upon humanity was not to be from the abuse of political
power but of our knowledge of pharmacology and genetics. The questions
to ask are: Have we skipped the year 1983? How far are we from Huxley's
East London Hatchery with its "decanting rooms"? Is This Hideous Strength already inevitable? Can we stop the passage into The Abolition of Man2? Are these futures already so far our present that we have lost the ability to say it was not right to go there?
If it is objected that I have begun my testimony in a rather emotional
tone, I agree. I have invoked imagery fitting in literary works. But
this can be immediately translated into statements of ethical
principle. My themes, measures or tests will be (A) the moral
repugnance in moving from procreation to the manufacture of our
progeny, (B) the integrity of marriage and the family, and (C) respect
for an individual human life, however small . These principles
sometimes work together, sometimes separately, in moral assessment of
medical-technical possibilities that now are about to have become --
sonic will then say -- unavoidable. Scientific medicine that does not
know where to draw the line of refusal before these violations is no longer civilized medicine. It would rather threaten than tend the human condition.
I
The statement of the British Medical Research Council on "Research Related to Human Fertilization and Embryology"3
laid claim to the noble word "ethics". I find -- and judge that any
person instructed in the traditions of Western morality must find -- its
ethical analysis fundamentally flawed; or at best, so exceeding thin as
to be an example of the sort of new ethics that can aptly be described
as rationalization for things men are bound to do because of
interventions science has now made possible.
This is clear from the fact that, against the background of a
treatment-ethic that justifies in vitro fertilization and embryo
transfer, there is then no fundamental limit upon what may be done to a
human embryo in order to learn from it, provided only that this
research subject is not still intended for transfer. The latter
reservation stays within treatment-ethics. No research-ethic is
offered, however, except having a definite research aim and the
informed consent of relevant donors.
These
are easy to come by. Even so notice how this advocacy-ethic is played
out in the Council's statement. Ideally, sperm and ova should have been
collected, originally, for definite research purposes if used for such
purpose. But donors may also be sought out and their consents obtained
where the collection was for therapeutic purposes only. This weakens
the limitation, and surely must be intended to do so. Are not people,
who no longer want or need surplus stored sperm and ova for their
original purpose, more likely to change their minds, when asked, than
they are to consent to give semen, or to the procedure for obtaining
ova, in the first place for research purposes? Thus research aims are
governing, almost solely. Participants in sperm and ova banks are a
consent-prone population. And are they not wanted so to be, if embryos
are wanted as pure research subjects? Such donors may be informed; but
in a strong version of "informed consent" -- if the donation is to be
fully voluntary -- should not the rule be that no embryos be used in
research unless donated in the first place for a specific research aim?
Even so, there is more respect given to the informed consent of
conscious individuals than there is respect for the human embryo. Of
the latter, there is none at all. There are, indeed, two stipulations
upon what may be done with human embryos in experiments. These
stipulations, which seem to surround the embryo with some protection,
are not principled ones; and for them there is no justifying reason, so
far as I can see.
The first is: "Human ova fertilized with human sperm ", i.e. , human embryos, "should not be cultured in vitro beyond the implantation stage" (my emphasis). Why not? Since such research subjects are not intended ever
to be transferred to the uterus, is not this stipulation quite
arbitrary? Then, is not the line drawn open to be moved on in time when
some definite research aim, requiring that, comes into view? And even
if such research aims are, step by step, primarily directed to the care
of other future individuals, is not the way opened toward the
extracorporeal gestation of human embryos, and the manufacture of our
progeny? I see no other outcome unless some line can be drawn based
upon respect for the human embryo, a unique individual (to claim no
more for it) of our species. One can always un-stipulate a mere
stipulation.
The second concerns "interspecies fertilization".4 Such "fertilized
ova", i.e. hybrid embryos, "should not be allowed to develop beyond the early cleavage stage"
(my emphasis). This stipulation parses the arbitrariness of the first.
Why not to the outer limit of the implantation stage in humans, or in
the "donor" animal species, or the average of the two? It is sun-clear
that drawing lines upon research with the human embryo cannot properly
be based on extrinsic considerations only, or on emotional revulsion to
culturing interspecific products longer, nor upon some moral reasoning
also from respect for a human life however small.
In the discussion of the British Government Inquiry in the House of Lords,5
Lady Saltoun asked whether the Government would " find it possible to
suggest to the medical profession that, pending the report of the
committee, they should call for a halt in experiment in the meantime?"
In reply Lord Trefgarne stressed that "The main purpose of the
inquiries relates to the promotion of viable pregnancies in women who
could not otherwise achieve them", adding that "Your Lordships may have
seen the guidelines issued last week by the Medical Research Council
which will greatly assist in these matters".
I have said enough
to indicate that, in my considered judgment, those guidelines do not
constitute a good beginning toward determining what the medical
profession and a civil society should refuse to do to make complete the
good they do. I respectfully express the hope that the Committee will
be initially prepared to say "Never" to a number of things that are now
being done or proposed that are now proximately possible to be done,
and not merely to things that may be only remotely possible . Remote
possibilities are soon proximate, and soon done.
II
The
paper provided by Mrs J.C. Croft, Secretary to the Inquiry, entitled
"Medical and Scientific Developments Relevant to Human Fertilization",
was intended to outline existing techniques and future developments
that will be discussed by the Inquiry, as reference points to guide
respondents who may wish to submit testimony. This paper has been
submitted to me; and I recognize, of course, that it is descriptive
only and intends no evaluation of the procedures mentioned and sketched.
Nevertheless,
it will be convenient -- and perhaps helpful -- for me to arrange some
evaluative testimony around items and statements in this paper.
It
is difficult to see that all these procedures are immediately relevant
to the treatment of human infertility, or that they are primarily
intended, as Lord Trefgarne puts it, to promote "viable pregnancies in
women who could not otherwise achieve them". If they are, the meaning
of "achieving a viable pregnancy" is stretched beyond recognition and
beyond reason.
That is the way I would express my overall evaluation. Another way to
say the same thing is in terms of the task given to the Inquiry. That
task is terribly difficult and terribly urgent, namely, to distinguish
between things that now or proximately, in intention and primary
effect, are for the promotion of viable pregnancies in women who cannot
achieve them, on the one hand, and, on the other, things that
proximately promote and whose primary effect promotes (A) the
replacement of procreation by the manufactury of our children, (B) an
assault upon and a fundamental violation of marriage and the family,
and (C) exhibit and nurture no respect for that "intervening"
individual human life -- the human embryo -- that is now for the first
time in human history almost literally "in our hands", i.e., to
manipulate as a research subject.
Granting
the many "gray areas" and "borderline cases" falling under the
Inquiry's mandate, I suggest that at least some light may be thrown
upon them by endeavouring in each instance to discriminate between the
intention of the research (which may be therapeutic) and the primary
effects or consequences it may be reasonably expected to have upon one
or more of the moral matters listed above. Is the way to those outcomes
paved with therapeutic intentions? What regulations -- including
prohibitions -- should be issued in Great Britain by some legitimate
authority, professional or governmental?
But here, my comments on selected items in the sequence in which they come in the informational paper:
1. Par. 9(b) describes the case of IVF with the egg of a woman (unable
to bear and birth a child) and her husband's sperm, the embryo
transferred to the uterus of a surrogate mother who carries the child
and returns to its genetic parents after delivery. Par. 10 describes
the case in which a husband and wife contract with a surrogate to
conceive, carry amid birth a child fathered by that husband by AID, to
be returned to the married couple of which only the husband is its
genetic parent .
In the first case the husband achieves a pregnancy and the wile
achieves a pregnancy, and the pregnancy they achieve is in the
surrogate's uterus (if I understand the usage of the term "pregnancy"):
she, too, achieves a pregnancy, I also suppose.
In
the second case, the donor achieves pregnancy; and, I would say, so
does the surrogate. The wife in the contracting couple achieves an
infant.
I venture to say members of the Inquiry will have
difficulty agreeing upon a different term by which to refer to these
different cases in their discussions. More important it is to say that
either one is another step toward the manufactury of our children, and
both are further assaults upon the integrity of marriage. To suggest
that the second "pregnancy, in effect, was no different from other AID
pregnancies" is a mistake, even descriptively. The pregnancy
was no different, of course; but where, in whose uterus, and perhaps
other circumstances (money payment, as in the USA) makes a decisive
difference in any moral appraisal, and in public or medical policy
concerning the matter. The AID procedure was the same. But two steps of the same sort are still two steps -- unless we are to say that by going to the practice of AID this next step was then already about to have become inevitable, and is now thereby rendered morally justified.
Consider
next the surrogate woman in either case and what we are to say about
the competence and power to be ascribed to her "informed consent", in
morals or in medical and public policy. Choice, I suggest, does not make right right, or wrong wrong. Our common law
held that no one has property right in his or her own body; nor did the
family of a deceased person have any property right in the body. This
language protected persons from --voluntarily, I shall presume -- abusing
their bodies by using them in commercial transactions -- today, say, by
selling a paired organ to pay a child's $12,500 a year tuition at
Princeton University: parents were to be barred from such well-meant
devotion. As for the family of the deceased, to say they had no
property right in the body was to say their right over it was to
provide decent burial.6 In the US, the Uniform Anatomical
Gift Act was needed to change the common law by statute. In doing so,
that Act legislated precisely the protections from commercial use of
one's own or another's body. A pre-mortem power to give an organ was
instituted, but not a power in families to give parts of the deceased's
body without that pre-mortem gift. I conclude that charitable
intentions do not morally warrant violation of one's own or another's
body, not to mention money payments (which the British Government
Inquiry may readily agree should be given an effective Never).
It is the supposed rightful power of "charitable" voluntarism on the
part of the surrogate woman to place herself at the disposal of medical
technology and of the husband-wife couple in both the above cases that
needs to be questioned. Distinguishing between the therapeutic intention of procedures arid their primary effects
and consequences, whatever the intentions were, is the way to parse
these "developments", if they are viewed as gray or borderline. Their
objective results in promoting self-violations, further assaults upon
the natural foundations of the integrity of the marriage relation, and
new ways toward manufactury of children are, in my view, evident and
sufficient reason to say No to such procedures for promoting viable
pregnancies in women who cannot otherwise achieve them. To argue the
contrary renders women substitutable for one another in procreation (by
consent, of course).
I conclude this point by inserting a copy of news reports published in The Times (New York, that is).
2. Cloning an embryo. Therapeutic aims are stated here, i.e., to
culture and test for chromosomal diagnosis some of the clones while one
or more is frozen awaiting the test results before transfer (par. 12),
and to determine the sex of the one to be transferred and given birth
(par. 24). These are definitions of viable pregnancy, provided in the
second case the unwanted sex is a defect of a foetus. With no more
defect shown, genes for other traits desired in a child can be used to
satisfy other definitions of a wanted pregnancy. Do we know no more how
to define desirable than that something is desired? That was one of J.S. Mill's fundamental mistakes, it is universally agreed by those who know anything about moral reasoning.
If,
however, the description -- " 'the embryo would then be allowed to
develop to the two or four cell stage where it would be cloned" (par.
12) --were turned into a norm in morality and for policy, it would be an evidently arbitrary
stipulation, with no justifying reason that I can see. But if, in the
alternative, the fact is that the procedure of cloning is not
(or not now) possible beyond the four cell stage, the procedure could
be repeated on each of the four cells when they in turn reach the four
cell stage. So we have 16, and so on to an indefinite number of
identicals cloned for research from an original fertilized egg. If
there is objection to the storage of frozen embryos for some
indeterminate research purpose (or for soliciting consent from people
who had them frozen for some passing therapeutic purpose), there
certainly should be the same objection to their multiplication.
Speaking
as one of those clones helped to continue to develop (as I might if
only I had been conceived in 1984 instead of 1913), why should anyone
be so fearful of a host of us identicals, since there are so many good
uses to which to put us if cloning is done again and again during the
early cleavage stage?
And why put an end to any of us? Each is the same as the one chosen, by
present primitive early transfer, no enter the human community; or,
given only time, finally to be placed in Research Park to supply organs
to favoured grown "twins".
Cloning as a method of choosing the sex of a wanted child (or the
wanted sex of a child), par. 24, requires maintaining a clone obtained
at the four-cell stage until that determination is possible (if this is
later).
And par. 30 of the informational paper gives already another benefit no
come from preserving cloned embryos, beyond sex determination, until
foetal organs develop that are suitable for -- are we to suppose -- foetal transplants? Some organs will be usable for transplant later in gestation than other organs; some only very late.
Moreover, to limit this benefit to "foetal organs" in this paragraph
serves simply to stay within the mandate of the Inquiry. No reason can
be given that I can see for wasting this benefit by stopping at the
foetal stage.
I have rehearsed the above front the informational paper simply to
conclude that there is here -- from the beginning and not in the end
only --absolutely no regard for embryonic life; respect for that novel
research subject exerts on experimentation no influence whatsoever; it
is already and altogether tissue only, not its later organs only,
whatever the therapeutic intention may be. And I also conclude that,
from the beginning and not in the end only, this is already the
manufactury of our children -- in this instance, by the use of
identicals that have been arbitrarily deemed
to count for nothing, for a favoured one, who counts for all. In my
considered opinion, there is already the odour of totalitarianism in
such use of a unique individual human research subject, and in the
multiplication of more for like purposes.
3. Freezing embryos
to be unfrozen later for transfer to enable women to establish a
pregnancy "years after" they or their partners have been sterilized or
"even after" their husband's death (par. 16(a)). Post-sterilization and
even posthumous use of an embryo puts a nearby time limit upon the
transfer, bearing and birthing of a child, providing progeny -- I assume
--for wife and husband. I suggest that while there is here a therapeutic
intent, once we learn to do this, and do it, the primary effect and
consequence will show those time or marriage limits to be ostensible only. Of the latter I have said enough. The posthumous transfer, as described, assumed the husband's death. But if the wife
dies first, from the same motivations of lone or childlessness -- if
that justifies -- the husband may secure the blessings of a child "with"
his deceased wife only by searching for a surrogate "mother" . Of that,
too, I have said enough.
And, of course, that is not the end of the posthumous transfer of
frozen embryos. For Nobel laureates to deposit semen in a bank its the
backyard of a California millionaire is, after all, a very primitive
method of improving the intelligence of human offspring to come. When
both egg and sperm can be chosen, i.e. both genetic components, and
then when embryos of two brilliant people cams be frozen to await
surrogates, married or unmarried, who want such a child, these ways of
improving our progeny will offer some measure of greater chance of
brilliance than from the frozen semen of (self-) selected man. Such a
voluntary programme of genetic improvement would surely be advocated by
the late H J. Muller, if he were alive today. And a Hitler if not quite
mad -- would relinquish his "natural" method of producing supposedly
superior children for a voluntary or involuntary programme -- if quite
mad in another sense -- of using frozen embryos, perhaps posthumously if
their genetic fathers were killed in battle.
4. Par. 27 gives drug tests
on human embryos cultured in vitro as an example of their experimental
use. There are an unknowable number of other sorts of experimentation
with the human embryo, beneficial to others, counting the embryo for
nothing but means. This paragraph also states the reason there will be
increasing, almost relentless pressure to keep this novel,
"intervening" human subject classed as a mere means for research use
(or, what is subject to the same ethical analysis, a mere means to
therapeutic goals):
"The protagonists of the use of human embryos for experimental purposes
argue that the best species for human experiment is man, and claim that
many uncertainties of human embryology and genetics could be resolved
by experiments of this kind" (emphasis added).
To pass from "animal work" to human trials is always a move that has
unknown and unknowable risks -- no matter how thorough, prolonged,
complete and successful are the trials in animal models. So, we are
told we must not waste this opportunity to use man to benefit man.
That's the significance of what I have called this "intervening" human
research subject.
Now, the risks of passing from animal trials to human trials are to be
stressed, if we foolishly fail to use this best of all subjects to fill
in the gap.
But before this new experimental subject became available in great
numbers (whose numbers can be deliberately increased by procedures that
will be the same if we continue on to the entire manufactury of our
progeny), these same risks of passing from animal to human
experimentation are now frequently said to be so minimal as to be
negligible.
My comment consists in some observations upon this paradox. Now, we
must use the human embryo and foetus to avoid the risks. Before,, we
had no proceed at those same risks. The obviousness of these
"necessities" before and after the embryo and foetus fell into our
hands -- calls for some discrimination to be made.
Of course, it was both necessary and right for medical science and the
human community to place innumerable children at unknown and unknowable
risks in widespread field trials of polio vaccine. I need not stay to
mention other such cases that will occur to any reader of this document.
Another class of cases is worth pondering. The first use of frozen
human semen in AID (in the US, I believe) placed the children some
women wanted by that means (if, indeed, they were informed that fresh
semen was not to be used) at unknown and unknowable risk. This must
have been so, if I understand what is involved in moving from animal
trials to human. This, despite the fact that good calves had been
produced from bull semen frozen for thirty years; the animal work, in
this instance, was thorough amid complete. But one could not get to know
whether frozen semen would not, uniquely in the human, be seriously
damaging to the children-to-be. That, I say, was an immoral, and
unnecessary, experiment upon them. No scientist should have done that;
nor any woman have consented to in.
The same reasoning applies to freezing and unfreezing the human embryos
planned for transfer, or the cloned one planned to be entered into the
same sequence of freezing and transfer. No matter how complete and
successful in the case of animal embryos, to move to the human puts
future human beings at serious risk. If freezing, or cloning and
freezing (for a short time, while medical tests are done on
identicals), followed by transfer succeeds, that will not show that the human trial was moral when done. A human experiment must be moral in its inception, not in its outcome (I believe I quote the late Dr Henry K. Beecher correctly). The same can be said of long-term storage
of frozen embryos for subsequent "treatment" of the childlessness death
may bring on a husband or wife. Genetic surgery and gene-splicing may
also be listed here -- to raise, at least, the same question about their
first human trials. Finally, the physician in the doctor-lawyer team
who advertizes for surrogate "mothers" in newspapers all over the US
says that one reason he is doing this7 is that he
wants to "study" over years of time the effects, psychological or
otherwise, upon the surrogates from bearing children for another
couple. That information he cannot obtain without putting women
at risks he might discover are actualized, and now hopes are not there
in what he is doing. Others may draw attention that he has set up no
good scientific test to get that knowledge. I say, the experiment is immoral in its inception, and would still be to do wrong with that knowledge may come of it, even if his was good social science testing.
So I conclude that if we listen to the reason now given for using disposable human embryos we ought to know that a number of procedures proposed today ought not to be used upon favoured
human embryos, because the first human trial must necessarily be
immoral in its inception, regardless of the outcome. We will have
brought upon a child-to-be unknown and unknowable risks, unnecessarily
and on balance without sufficient over-riding reason.
This was my view of the Edwards-Steptoe undertaking to prove that in
vitro fertilization and transfer was possible: and would have remained
my ethical analysis if the "animal work" with primates was completed
before passing to the human.8
I do not put t his judgement of mimic "up front" simply because than is
a bridge already under the water -- to coin a phrase, I am must the
expert to judge whether Dr Michael Thomas is correct its holding that
there is as yet insufficient grounds for a scientific judgement that
IVF-transfer babies are not damaged. I do not need to know the
scientific requirement no be "about 3000 test babies before we could be
sure the risk isn't there".9 No one needs to know that the figure is 50
or 3000 or 30,000 successful test babies, to sustain the argument I put
forward.
One has only no listens to what scientists tell us is the gap between
"animal work" and human trials (and what is now said about not wasting
the opportunity afforded by human embryos
as research subjects) in order to know (take any figure as sufficient
for a procedure no be classed as no longer "experimental") that up to that point on a descending curve the
procedure was subjecting children-no-be (not just "the potentiality of
life") to unknown and unknowable risks of unknown amid unknowable
damage. This is the case almost analytically, if science is
believed. To repeat this commentary refers to artificial insemination
with frozen-unfrozen semen, to amniocentesis to select foetuses to be
given birth10 over those genetically indicated for abortion, or to IVF-transfer babies only to illustrate how the morality of "setting up a pre-natal adoption service using banks of eggs and embryos" (The Guardian, Feb. 8, 1982) should be analysed, and other future possible way's of producing children or altering them in utero.
Note well, I have not been speaking of embryos planned for research, and so planned for discard. The favoured embryos have also Its count for next no nothing, when thought of as children-to-be. They, too, must be disposable
mishaps, if mishaps come upon them in the course of the genesis chosen
for them; replaceable by another pregnancy induced by yet another trial
of the same procedure.
The other moral standards I suggest be used also apply. Does the goal
of providing fertility by these procedures, when successful, open a
wider path toward the manufactury of humans progeny, and further
threaten the foundations of the marriage relation? I judge no one can
read the informational paper and fail to answer these questions in the
affirmative.
In no essential respect should proposals for the manipulated genesis
of a human embryo be compared with placing young lives, for example, at
unknown risks of unknown damage in field trials of polio vaccine. Those
lives were already members of a population at severe risk: each
individually bore the risk and stood to benefit. Nor is the new genesis
to be compared with venturing gene-splicing to learn to perfect genetic
treatment of Tay-Sachs babies. This will be "surgery" (not
"engineering" new beginnings); no new medical moral landscape will be
brought into view: the life at risk is already a life and already at
graver risk. In new forms of human genesis, however, the life placed at
risk is not the same as those whose desires may be satisfied by
thus overcoming infertility -- posthumously, even -- or by those risks
brought upon another life so manufactured in order to make scientific
progress .
I cannot conclude these comments without expressly addressing the
matter of abortion. If in is said only that abortion stands ready to
take care of any mishaps before they are children I might ask whether
early infanticide --delayed birth certificates, as some have proposed --
also stand ready? And ask, why not? The more fundamental response,
however, is to say that this recourse demonstrates that now
-- not by some "slippery slope" into the future -- we would already in
principle be manufacturing our progeny. By primitive methods at first,
of course. General Motors has sometimes to recall 500,000 automobiles
to replace defective parts. The analogy to using abortion as an escape
from producing defective children would be recalling those automobiles
and destroying them.
But a more basic objection to the foregoing moral reasoning appeals not to the fact of the availability of abortion but to a persons' views on the morality
of abortion. . In will be said than ethical objection no the new
genesis of human beings depends on one's view that abortion itself is
always or nearly always immoral. This mis-association must be answered.
Of course, any individual who believes that abortion as such is a moral wrong will also for that reason oppose the new proposals for human genesis, because in order no get to know how to do any of the proposed procedures we must be prepared to use abortion for a longer or shorter series of trials. Grant than. Still I want no suggest that people who wholly approve of the British Abortion Act, and of ins execution, may nevertheless and should nevertheless disapprove of the abortions here necessarily contemplated. This I have wanted, ins the above, no isolate -- no bracket -- from any general moral objection to abortion. So, while I do not know Dr Michael Thomas opinion of abortion as currently legal and practised in Great Britain, I must say that the Guardian Weekly's editorial, February 2, 1982, was flawed. That editorial linked Dr Thomas objection to the new genesis no his views on abortions in general (I do not deny that this may be so in his case) and went on no say among other things:
If our society accepts that abortions are permissible until a life is considered no be viable on ins own, an 28 weeks gestation, then logically it would seem possible to devise a code of practice under which test-tube embryos could be experimented upon up to 28 weeks.I suppose it is possible no devise such a code, but it in no way logically follows from current British abortion practice.
For in the latter case (in principle) we are balancing existent life
against other existent lives. Suppose we agree that the mother's life
and health broadly interpreted, that the family's economic and other
welfare, that the welfare of children already born may be deprived by
another child born into the family, and that these are countervailing
considerations that are over-riding and that justify therapeutic abortion -- ins the broadest possible meaning of "therapeutic" -- all that in no degree justifies creating a new human life at risks that foreseeably may require subsequent abortion.
So I suggest that people who wholly approve the British Abortion Act and in practice have good reason to
oppose recourse to abortion necessary in developing new forms of human
genesis. However rapid and extensive the developments in contemporary
abortion practice, these are extensions of the concept of "necessity"
in conflict-of-life situations. To continue on the way oh the new
genesis of human lines involves no such "necessity" -- not in the
genesis itself. Appeals no the morality or the practice of abortion
must rather be viewed as demonstration that modern society means to
proceed, under than guise, no the making of its children.
A final objection will be that the analysis arid moral reasoning I propose would stop medical
and scientific progress. Indeed it would, because I refer to
experiments immoral in their inception. . To this ostensible objection
I can only refer to what I said about a serious moral conscience in
these matters. The questions is whether we have tine ability to say
"Never" . It w ill be something, an least, if its Great Britain in says
"Never" . to surrogate motherhood, not no be expected in the United
States. The argument holds as. firmly for saying Never no any human
genesis than entails first creating human life that then may be
destroyed if not the desired "product".
5. I ought, responsibly, no comment on one further, distinct items in
the informational document. This is also most complex, and incorrigible
to certain analysis. On the genetic manipulation
of embryos, the instance given (par. 29) is identifying arid replacing
the gene for cystic fibrosis ins an IVF embryo. Other single gene diseases
are mentioned. The limitation no IVF embryos can, I think, be ignored;
and the suppositions be that this could be done in embryo, foetus,
child or adult, the course of future possible genetic treatment
("surgery") of suffering individuals. That surely would be a
consummation desirably to be wished, if the relief of specific genetic
illness were the only consequence to be considered. If only the
afflicted individual needs no be considered, one should ask only -- but
one should ask, as in all surgery -- whether the genetic
treatment of cystic fibrosis is likely or not no produce less or more
debility than the illness itself. This is a question all major surgery
faces.
Sadly, one must add to the above statement of ordinary treatment-ethics that the elimination of one gene (defective) requires its replacement by another gene (neutral, or improving of that individual). So even in the case oh genetic treatment of an individual we face the fact that negative genetics cannot be separated from electing positive genetics of
one sort or another. So far good -- except to say that a facile
conclusion to that effect without US Nobel laureate Marshall
Nirenberg's sombre pondering of the awesomeness of our ever learning to
move one gene around (involving another in its place) shows inadequate
understanding of the gravity of the step taken.
The measure of risks to be accepted in proceeding with genetic
treatment is the balance of the seriousness of the illness no be
relieved against possible debilitating outcomes of the treatment itself.
To proceed against Tay-Sachs, for which there is no known cure, Yes.
Against cystic fibrosis, for which there is some relief, less
certainly. To proceed no gene change in the case of diabetes, however,
would surely be an immoral trial. The aim of medicine is no make a
patient well, or at least less ill than before.
The simple medical situations, however, is further complicated if we
ask what happens to the gametes of the afflicted individual. If his or
her reproductive cells are unaffected, or if sperm or ova are in turn
deprived of the transmission of cystic fibrosis to offspring, that
would be additional defense of the original genetic treatment. But what
if the effect of that genetic treatment of individual sufferers may
have unpredictable effects upon their gametes? Then instead of
eliminating a deleterious gene from the human gene pool, we shall have
thoughtlessly begun to "engineer" their progeny in unknown and
unknowable ways. Shall our policy be that those benefiting from genetic
therapy shall accept sterilization to prevent these outcomes?
This would seem to be sufficient cautionary "go slow" signs facing the
medical application of genetic knowledge to human beings. Still these
signs are not negative. (All said above about creating or cloning
embryonic human research subjects for the purpose of carrying out such
tests remains in place.) The treatments proposed for trials, properly
limited by the usual medical estimates of costs and benefits to the patient, are sound. Modified only, but significantly, by the effects upon the patient's progeny.
Today DNA research, gene-splicing, whole chromosomes replaced by
others, have leapt light-years ahead of the foregoing situation,
however simple; even its complexities seem simple by comparison. Under
the production of inter-species embryos, the informational document
speaks of hamster-human hybrids; and, one might say if this were an
evaluative document, with some regret that such hybrids can now be
maintained only to the two-cell stage (par. 26). In the United States
we have Mighty Mouse, a creature produced by gene-splicing, that from
small mice produces very large rats.
What future does this hold for genetic engineering of the human race?
It remains the case, I suppose, that a splice of genes eliminated must
be replaced by another splice of genes. That, therefore, negative
energies cannot be separated from positive eugenics. The apology -- in
the best sense of that word -- in the United States for DNA research and
application is that we are learning about cell development, and
specifically that we may learn how to cure "cancer" -- a code word that
instantly gains approval. But surely more is involved than that, in the
primary consequences to be expected from DNA, whatever the subjective
intentions of the researchers.
Some discrimination should be attempted by public authorities, such as
medical associations and the British Government Inquiry. I note that I
have already reasoned that no such research is ever justified on an
unconsenting research subject, a human embryo obtained or cloned for
that purpose, who was not before its creation subject to any risks at
all. Beyond that, and I suppose on consenting subjects, or unconsenting
subjects already existent and in serious need of radical treatment, I
can only endorse the recommendations of the (US) President's Commission
that all DNA research and applications be monitored in future.11
This means, I take it, monitored in each and every specific use of DNA
knowledge in the human -- monitored in every particular case, not simply
checking the accord between research and general guidelines laid down
for it to follow.
I hope that the British Government Inquiry will endorse this proposal,
and go further. No hope should be placed in merely national
governmental or medical association regulations. Already, in Australia
experiments in freezing embryos have gone beyond what the British
Inquiry may approve. So, if there is point in national monitoring of
specific applications of DNA, this must be international.
So I urge that the Inquiry take the lead in pressing upon the European
Parliament, the United Nations, or other international bodies, the need
to monitor and control the use of the knowledge of human genetics that
DNA has opened to us.
Why I am so concerned that the British Inquiry not parochially limit
itself to monitoring DNA research in Great Britain alone can best be
expressed by recounting certain personal episodes. Since I became
concerned about measures for Fabricating Man in
the late 1960s, on many a panel in American universities on the subject
of the new genetics I was astonished to hear scientists on the panel
(those were the "cold war" days), nay, even stupefied and nonplussed to
hear these academic scholars suggest that even now certain powers (Red
China was meant) were producing physically superior soldiers. and
intimated that we had to do this also. Then the pseudo-question was
competition in producing superior men. Now surely the competition is as
intense in the furtherance of scientific possibilities. So I say there
must be not only national monitoring but international monitoring of
DNA research and its specific application. If not, results will outrun
all moral and civilized control. So I urge the British Inquiry to take
the lead in the international control of these new powers human hands
have now obtained.
To conclude: a fellow townsman of mine in Princeton, New Jersey,
Freeman Dyson, a member of Princeton's Institute for Advanced Studies,
a British citizen and a member of your war department in some capacity
in World War II, recently published a book entitled, Disturbing the Creation, concerning the course of past nuclear decisions. This was a very melancholy book; the combination of technology and bureaucracy seemed to him inevitably fateful and erroneous; their momentum beyond human control.
I refer to Dyson's book to say that we are in the midst of another
"disturbance of the creation" as a result of the biological revolution.
In the revolution of nuclear physics we had not even the foresight to
provide for the disposal of nuclear waste before we went for the
peaceful use of nuclear energy! Now the Western world is alerted by
various movements concerning nuclear arms policy to what may have been
flawed decisions past. The public concentrates upon past Faustian bargains made with nuclear power and its sequelae.
Are we unable to concentrate on the Faustian bargain now being made with powers released to human control by the biological revolution? Does the momentum of biological technology rule our future? I myself believe that this may not be so. But if one reads the newspapers the conclusion must be that we the people seem able to try to contain Faustian bargains previously made by past generations, neglecting those currently being firmly enacted, without much notice, by the momentum of biological technology. So I conclude with some words from C.S. Lewis:
. . . All long-term exercises of power, especially in breeding, must mean the power of earlier generations over later ones . . . If any age really attains, by eugenics and scientific education, the power to make its descendants what it pleases, all men who live after it are the patients of that power . . . The last men, far from being the heirs of power will be of all men most subject to the dead hand of the great planners and conditioners and will themselves exercise least power upon the future . . . There neither is nor can be any simple increase of power on Man's side. Each new power won by man is a power over man as well. Each advance leaves him weaker as well as stronger. In every victory, besides being the general who triumphs, he is also the prisoner who follows the triumphal car . . . The man-moulders of the new age . . . we shall get at last a race of conditioners who really can cut all posterity in what shape they please . . . Nature will be troubled no more by the restive species that rose in revolt against her so many millions of years ago, will be vexed no longer by its chatter of truth and mercy and beauty and happiness. Ferum victorem capit: and if the eugenics are efficient enough there will be no second revolt, but all snug beneath the Conditioners and the Conditioners beneath her, till the moon falls or the sun grows cold . . . (We should) not do to minerals and vegetables what modern science threatens to do to man himself.12Respectfully submitted,
Paul Ramsey
Harrington Spear Paine
Professor of Religion, Emeritus
Princeton University
LANSING,
Mich., Jan. 22 (AP) - The surrogate mother of a deformed baby says she
plans to put the boy up for adoption because the man she contends is
the father has also rejected him. The baby was born Jan. 10 and remains
in the hospital without a name.
Judy Stiver, 26 years old, of Lansing, gave birth to the child nine
months after she was artificially inseminated with sperm from Alexander
Malahoff of Middle Village, Queens.
But Mr Malahoff says the child is not his and he has refused to pay a $10,000 fee to Mrs Stiver for carrying the child.
The baby was born with microcephaly, in which the head is smaller than
normal and may indicate mental retardation. The baby also had an
infection. Lansing General Hospital had to obtain a court order to
treat the child.
Mr Malahoff says the baby's blood type does not match his and therefore he could not be the father.
New York Times, February 3, 1983
CHICAGO, Feb. 2 (AP) - Blood tests prove that a sickly child born to a
Michigan woman was not fathered by the man who paid her to be a
surrogate mother for his baby, lawyers agreed today, and the mother
said she would now seek custody."
"There were no winners, said Alexander Malahoff, 46 years old, of
Queens, Y.Y., who had entered into a $10,000 contract with Judy Stiver
to carry and deliver the child for which he provided the sperm by
artificial insemination. "Everybody suffered."
Mrs Stiver, 26, said she and her husband, Ray, 41, would now move to
gain permanent custody of the male child she delivered Jan. 10 at a
hospital in Lansing, Mich. At birth, the child, known only as Baby Doe,
had a strep infection and microcephaly, a condition in which the head
is smaller than normal. This is often an indication of mental
retardation.
The Stivers said they obeyed the contract strictly and could only have
conceived the child because they were not properly instructed to
abstain from intercourse in the days immediately before the artificial
insemination.
"We are thoroughly satisfied with the results of our testing that Mr
Malahoff is not the father of Baby Doe," Dr W.E. Maldonado, director of
the Department of Laboratories at Lansing's Sparrow Hospital, said at a
news conference after informing lawyers for both sides. "Our exclusion
of Mr Malahoff is 100 percent."
Noel Keane, a lawyer in Dearborn, Mich., who represented Mr Malahoff in
the contractual arrangement, said he would return the money paid by Mr
Malahoff.
William Leininger of New York, an attorney for Mr Malahoff, said
doctors had told his client the extent of retardation was "severe" and
that the child had only a few days to live. Mr Leininger said Mr
Malahoff had the child christened Alexander in accordance with his
Roman Catholic faith. Mr Malahoff had agreed to assume "legal and moral
responsibility" for the baby if he was proven to be the father.
Mr Stiver said the child would be renamed Christopher Ray.
By IVER PETERSON
Special to The New York Times
DETROIT, Feb. 6 - Perhaps Christopher Ray Stiver will be able to go
home soon. If he does, Judy Stiver knows she will love him as one of
her own, which he is.
Or perhaps he will spend a life in a state institution for the
brain-damaged, and never find out about his early hours as the paid-for
baby who lay sick while grown-ups argued whether he should live or die.
"It's just that I've always thought this baby was for somebody else,"
Mrs Stiver said in an interview last week in Lansing. "Whenever we
talked about it, it was never 'my baby', it was the baby for someone
else their baby - so I never developed a maternal feeling about him.
"But I'm sure the feeling will come real fast when I bold him, because I love all babies. "
The British Government Inquiry can - if
it so determines - obtain our President's Commission's Splicing Life,
and the earlier report on IVF-transfer by our Ethics Advisory Board.
I append here my own analysis of the latter, written some time ago, used in public lectures but never published.
1 . The Ethics Advisory Board fudged the funding
issue. " 'The Board concluded that it should not advise the Department
on the level of Federal support, if any, of such research ..." This was
proper reticence, if, but only if, the Ethics Advisory Board had been
composed of professional ethicists alone. Instead, it was a Board
composed of a broad spectrum of professions, with only two ethicists
among them. Now, surely, there are ethical aspects pertaining to the
allocation of priorities in the use of Federal funds for scientific
research and health objectives. It is at the point of funding, for
example, that a decision has to be made whether more good can be done
for this class of infertile women by doing something about the epidemic
of gonorrhea, which is the chief but not the only cause of oviduct
blockage. Other priorities might also impinge, such as the use of
scarce Federal funds in the assistance of poverty families and
attacking our rather high rate of infant mortality which unavoidably
compete for funds that would be devoted to the development and
application of this new technology.
Indeed, in our National Institutes of Health there
is an established procedure of two levels of review; first, a
scientific committee assesses the merits and feasibility of a proposal
on purely scientific grounds. Then, secondly, there is a " 'public
committee" which decides which of the feasible proposals shall be
funded in a given fiscal year. Clearly the Ethics Advisory Board was
such a public committee and should not have avoided the question of how
funds in this and related areas should be ranked in order of priority.
Upon the presentation of this Report to her, the
Secretary of DHEW ruled against the use of any Federal funds for IVF,
or for pure research on human embryos (rejecting a request for funding
the latter at Vanderbilt University).
This did not rule out private or state funding for
either of the above purposes. So shortly thereafter the Drs Rogers at
Norfolk (Va.) Medical Centre opened its IVF clinic. This in our Federal
system required only the authorization of the Health Department of the
State Department of the State of Virginia.
The Washington Post summed up the public
controversy occasioned by this proposal, coming down in favour of the
IVF clinic. This Post editorial (Jan. 19, 1980) concluded with the
following statement:
The clinic should be built. But the trade-off for
that should be some insistence on the part of medical authorities,
religious leaders and others that we begin to get serious and
systematic about exploring the ethical issues and setting real limits
on the future directions of research and practice in genetic
engineering and reproductive biology.
That was one of the most astonishing statements I have seen in the American
press. So also was the following from the New York Tunes editorial, July 22,
1982:
In particular, the question of whether the human
germline should be declared inviolable deserves close attention.
Such a restriction will probably prove unjustifiable. But deliberate
manipulation of the human germline will constitute a watershed in
history, perhaps even in evolution. It should not be crossed
surreptitiously, or before a full debate has allowed the public to
reach an informed understanding of where scientists are leading. The
remaking of man is worth a little discussion.
(While these editorials were quite astonishing for
a Press that is usually upbeat about scientific breakthroughs, I
nevertheless class them as instances of the "frivolous" moral
conscience I spoke of at the beginning of my statement to the Inquiry.
That is to say, warnings of things to come, with no ability now (i.e.,
ever) to say Never. So above I set aside IVF-transfer as a "bridge
under the water". The moral argument against similar things to come
[esp. par. 4 above] remains unquestionable. I send along this addendum
simply because it may put before the Inquiry certain peculiarly
American barbarisms that I expect Great Britain will avoid.)
2. In the second place, the Ethics Advisory Board
reached a unanimous consensus opinion by advising the Secretary that
both IVF and embryo research proposals were "acceptable from an ethical
standpoint". This expression was then explained:
This phrase is broad enough to include at least two
interpretations: (1) "clearly ethically right" or (2) "ethically
defensible but still legitimately controverted". In fact that research
involving human in vitro fertilization is " 'acceptable from an ethical
standpoint", the Board is using the phrase in the second sense. The
Board wishes to emphasise that it is not finding that the ethical
considerations against such research are insubstantial.
Margaret Steinfels, in her analysis of the Board's
report in the Hastings Center Report, said in effect that that
statement finessed the ethical issue as well. She wrote: "What does the
Board mean by "ethically defensible? Erudite treatises may clarify the
matter. In the meantime, only questions can be raised about it". The
author of that language was Richard McCormick S.J. Anyone who knows
something about the history of Catholic moral theology will recognise
that McCormick carried over into a medical and public policy question a
confessional distinction devised to apply in cases of "doubtful
conscience" where sin and the salvation of an individual soul is
believed to be at stake. In case a conscience in irremovable doubt
finds that there are a significant number of theologians who say some
action is wrong, others that it is morally right, the individual is at
no risk of damnation if he follows the "probable" opinion. Indeed, in
Jesuit probabilism, one may even follow a minority opinion among those
who have seriously thought about the issue!
In the correspondence column of the Hastings Center
Report Richard McCormick heatedly defended these statements for which
he assumed the responsibility of authorship. If I read his response
correctly, anything that is "controverted" is "legitimately"
controverted. That is like saying that anything that is desired is
desirable. So the Ethics Advisory Board made itself hostage to any
controverted opinions to come. Of many proposals in medical and public
policy it can be said, in that sense, that it is ethically defensible,
but still legitimately controverted.
In her reply Peggy Steinfels immediately saw this point. She wrote:
" Initially the surface meaning seems
so unsatisfactory that I assumed there must be more to the phrase than
I saw. I now understand that what I see is all there. Richard McCormick
is simply saying that a public body, such as the Ethics Advisory Board,
should find acceptable from an ethical point of view any position for
which plausible arguments have been made. Active euthanasia, deception
in research, amniocentesis for sex choice, by-passing informed consent,
and possibly even infanticide are all issues where serious, plausible
and favourable arguments have been made. Are they ethically acceptable
because defensible? In fact, it is hard to imagine any major issue that
would occupy a public body's time that was not legitimately
controverted".
3. In the third place the Ethics
Advisory Board attached certain stipulations that they apparently
believed provide assured limitations upon what might in future be done
with this medical knowledge. Concerning research on fertilized eggs it
stipulated that "no embryos will be sustained in vitro beyond the stage
normally associated with the completion of implantation (14 days after
fertilization)". Concerning research involving embryo transfer
following in vitro fertilization, it stipulated that "embryo transfer
will be attempted only with gametes obtained from lawfully married
couples". Also the stipulation that there be no more wastage of
fertilized human eggs in attempting embryo transfer than the wastage of
embryos that takes place normally in human reproduction between
fertilization and implantation.
Concerning these stipulations, Peggy Steinfels saw
at once that they will not stand. She wrote: "The EAB did, indeed,
limit IVF with transfer from husband to wife, a restriction that will
not stand a minute if taken to court . But probably the matter will not
go that far. There is now good evidence that physicians are doing AID
(artificial insemination with donor) procedures on single women: IVF
with transfer will be used in the same way once it becomes available.
Furthermore all the reasons that the F A B found for declaring I V F
"ethically acceptable for married couples can without revision justify
IVF for single women, and - pace, the EAB's plan to review in vitro
research -surrogate motherhood as well". In short, any of these
procedures by the reasoning of the Ethics Advisory Board may and will
become "ethically defensible but still legitimately controverted",
legitimately controverted because controverted, desirable because
desired. Already there is a flood of articles in our newspapers,
ironically in the family section, concerning surrogate mothers, and
physicians announcing their willingness to engage in the practice.
As a society we would have been better served by a
strong minority report stating the arguments against going forward with
this reproductive technology. In just this way, on some controversial
issue before the Supreme Court that deeply divides our nation, the
health of the polity is better served when there is a strong minority
opinion issued in which some of the Justices vigorously make the case
for the errors in the Court's opinion and the stupidity of their
Brothers who were in the majority. Then, in a morally divided nation,
the many people who are over-ruled still know that a reasonable voice,
a strong voice, was raised for them in our highest councils. The most I
expected, and the least we had a right to expect, was a strong minority
opinion from the Ethics Advisory Board on this matter of in vitro
fertilization. Instead we had a consensus opinion achieving unanimity
only by means of some very strange reasoning.
4. The EAB's stipulation that "no embryos will be
sustained in vitro beyond the stage normally associated with the
completion of implantation (14 days after fertilization)" is very odd.
These are embryos to be used as research subjects. Yet the line drawn
upon their usefulness, before which anything can be done with them, is
implantation for which they are not intended. The arbitrariness of this
stipulation is clear; one group favoured with life-expectancy will be
transferred; at precisely that same time, another group of embryos
must, for no good reason, be "allowed to die". If it is right to use
them as mere means in research before 14 days have passed, it is right
to use them after 14 days. A society stupid enough to place such a
limit will soon recover its wits and extend the time to encompass the
acquirement of additional important medical knowledge.
By comparison, there was some degree of respect for the unborn experimental subject in our National Commission's Report on Foetal Research.1 Concerning the connection of foetal research with abortion, the Commission recommended, among other things, that " 'no significant procedural changes are introduced into the abortion procedures in the interest of research alone". Concerning research upon the still living but not-viable foetus (ex utero or during an abortion procedure), it provided that "no intrusion into the foetus is made which alters the duration of life" '2 Background for these provisions was thee Commission's agreement that "moral concern should extend to all who share human genetic heritage, and that the foetus, regardless of life prospects, should be treated respectfully and with dignity".3 Now, that is rather vague ; as also was reference to "the human character of the foetus".4 Still, from only minimum respect for the humanness of this new research subject, the Commission concluded that no research should be done on it that of itself either shortened or prolonged its life, i.e., "altered the duration of life". If this reasoning were applied to human embryos no one would be searching for arbitrary time-limits within which their duration of life could be extended for research purposes, or experiments made that themselves shorten those lives.
If permitted at all, research on the human embryo
should be observational studies only, or experiments whose intrusion
upon the embryo in no way alters its duration of life. In the
alternative no one should expect an arbitrary time-limit to stand. That
is even now only a salve for tender consciences, as some "new ethics"
gathers strength and social acceptance.